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Dateline — Beijing/Tianjin (analysis)

President Xi Jinping used one concentrated week to fuse pageantry with power politics: a high-stakes Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit in Tianjin followed by the largest military parade modern China has staged, marking 80 years since the end of World War II. At the reviewing stand, Xi was flanked by Vladimir Putin and Kim Jong Un—as Iran’s new president Masoud Pezeshkian and a tier of Global South leaders looked on. The optics were unmistakable: a counter-Western alignment paraded down Chang’an Avenue. 

What exactly happened—and who was there:

– The SCO summit (Aug 31–Sept 1, Tianjin) drew Putin, India’s Narendra Modi, Turkey’s Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and others for bilateral huddles with Xi. The summit framed China’s pitch to lead a non-Western security/economic space.

– The parade (Sept 3, Beijing) was the capstone: China’s “biggest” Victory Day review to date, with more than two dozen heads of state/government in attendance. Putin and Kim were treated as guests of honor; Iran’s President Pezeshkian and numerous Eurasian leaders joined the tribunes. 

– Turkey’s posture: Erdoğan met Xi in Tianjin and conferred with Putin, but Ankara sent its foreign minister Hakan Fidan (and energy minister Alparslan Bayraktar) to the Beijing parade—symbolism that keeps Turkey’s options open while it remains a NATO member.

What Beijing chose to show the world

China spotlighted new hypersonic anti-ship missiles, ICBMs, autonomous undersea drones, and a triad of counter-drone defenses—missile gun, high-energy laser, and high-power microwave—plus expanded unmanned swarms and sea-denial systems. 

The message: anti-access/area-denial (A2/AD) is maturing across domains (air, sea, undersea, space, cyber). 

A striking—and strange—sidelight: a hot-mic moment in which Xi and Putin were heard musing about human longevity during the parade broadcast—a reminder that authoritarian theater can blur into millenarian aspiration. 

Why this looked (to many) like a living footnote to Ezekiel 38 and Revelation 16
Students of prophecy saw three pillars on display:

1. A consolidating bloc hostile to the West—China at the center, Russia sabre-in-hand, North Korea in tow; Iran present and vocal about a “new order”; Turkey maneuvering between camps. (Ezekiel’s “Gog of the land of Magog” and confederates; Revelation’s kings gathering toward the last conflict.) This week’s visuals supplied the most vivid contemporary iconography of that alignment to date.

2. Military-technological acceleration—hypersonics, lasers, and unmanned undersea systems that complicate Western and allied defenses. (Strategically, this narrows warning time, stresses missile defense, and threatens carrier groups and ports.)

3. Narrative warfare—China framed itself as custodian of an alternative world order, using history (WWII victory) and development rhetoric to rally Global South sympathies even as it flexed hard power. 

The theological note: Prophecy watchers should avoid over-precision—Scripture gives contours, not calendars. But the convergence of actors (Russia, a rising Eastern power bloc, Iran/Persia, and a vacillating Turkey) and the gathering logic of coalition warfare are now visible to the naked eye. 

What shifted geopolitically

– Signal of cohesion among autocracies: The Xi-Putin-Kim tableau—and Pezeshkian’s participation—advertised regime resilience and mutual backing under sanctions pressure. It also showcased China as convener-in-chief for a post-U.S. order.

– Pressure on U.S. alliances: India still hedges; Turkey keeps a foot in two worlds; Gulf and Central Asian states court Chinese capital. The SCO/BRI umbrella gives political cover for trade, energy, and arms linkages that reduce Western leverage.

– Hardware + doctrine: The anti-drone “triad,” hypersonics, and unmanned undersea systems align with China’s Taiwan and Western Pacific war-planning—but scale equally well to Middle East scenarios where swarms, lasers, and long-range fires would stress U.S.–Israel defense architecture. 

Where Turkey fits

Erdoğan’s presence at the SCO and his ministers’ attendance at the parade underscore Ankara’s transactional east-west balancing. It extracts energy and defense advantages while leveraging NATO status—an ambiguity that matters if a wider Eurasian conflict tests alliance commitments. 

Where Iran fits

Pezeshkian’s China trip foregrounded Tehran’s aim to break isolation through SCO channels and deepen China-Iran ties (energy, sanctions-proof finance, and security coordination). The optics beside Xi and Putin matter as much as any communiqué. 

Watch list (next 90 days)

1. Follow-on drills or deployments featuring the parade’s debut systems (hypersonics, lasers, naval drones).

2. SCO deliverables: energy corridors, currency settlement pilots, or defense-industrial MOUs announced post-summit.

3. Turkey’s next move: procurement or joint-production signals with China/Russia vs. NATO-aligned commitments.

4. Iran–China practicalities: shipping, insurance, and tech transfers that harden a sanctions-resistant network. 

Bottom line

Was this the march toward Armageddon? No one can claim that certainty. But as a preface, the week in China assembled many of the cast members and much of the choreography: a convening power (China), a belligerent partner (Russia), an erratic spoiler (North Korea), an ideologically fixed Iran, and a hedging Turkey—against a backdrop of weapons built to compress time and space in war. 

For those with eyes on both headlines and prophecy, Beijing just staged a rehearsal dinner.

Sources (selected)

Reuters; AP; Al Jazeera; CBS; PBS; The Guardian; Chatham House; China MFA (official readout). Key coverage of the summit and parade, attendees, and weapons on display;

Sources

• Reuters — Coverage of the Tianjin Shanghai Cooperation Organization summit and Beijing’s Victory Day parade, noting leaders in attendance and new defense systems displayed (Aug 31–Sept 3, 2025).

• Associated Press (AP) — Reports from Beijing on the military parade, visiting foreign delegations, and major weapons systems highlighted (Sept 3, 2025).

• Al Jazeera — Analysis of SCO outcomes, participating heads of state, and China’s strategic messaging during the week’s events (Aug–Sept 2025).

• CBS News — Profiles of parade attendees, including Vladimir Putin, Kim Jong Un, and Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, plus coverage of weapons demonstrations (early Sept 2025).

• PBS NewsHour — Segments analyzing China’s military modernization, including hypersonic missiles, counter-drone systems, and unmanned platforms (early Sept 2025).

• The Guardian — Day-of coverage of the parade, with emphasis on its geopolitical optics and international response (Sept 3, 2025).

• Chatham House — Expert briefings on China’s anti-access/area denial doctrine and implications for Asian and global security (2024–2025).

• Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the PRC (official readouts) — Transcripts of bilateral meetings and statements with visiting leaders during the SCO summit and parade week (Aug 31–Sept 3, 2025).